Ojogbon Globalization

How does structural violence manifest in Nigeria's political landscape, and what are its consequences for women's political participation? Manifestations and Consequences of Structural Violence in Nigeria's Political Landscape I provide a rich and nuanced exploration of how structural violence manifests within Nigeria's political landscape and the profound consequences it has for women's political participation. I argue that structural violence, a system of embedded inequalities that produces avoidable harm, operates through various interconnected mechanisms to systematically disadvantage women, limiting their access to power, silencing their voices, and undermining their ability to shape political decisions that impact their lives.

The chapter used the Ibrahim Index of Governance (IIAG) in its assessment of gender equality in Nigeria. The key indicators used by IIAG  for Assessing Gender Equality are discussed in this section. The Ibrahim Index of Governance in Africa (IIAG) employs a multi-dimensional approach to evaluate gender equality performance across the African continent. The index encompasses eight key categories, each with specific metrics designed to capture the multifaceted nature of gender equality.

How does structural violence contribute to gender inequality in Nigeria? The Deep Intertwining of Structural Violence and Gender Inequality in Nigeria I provide a comprehensive analysis of how structural violence in Nigeria, a system of embedded inequalities that produces avoidable harm and suffering, is deeply intertwined with the perpetuation of gender inequality. I demonstrate how this system operates across various dimensions of Nigerian society, creating and reinforcing disadvantages for women that limit their opportunities, agency, and representation, ultimately undermining their full participation in social, economic, and political spheres.

What is the relationship between the Nigerian state and citizens' security and how does this relationship affect gender relations? The Complex Relationship Between the Nigerian State, Citizen Security, and Gender I show a complex and troubling relationship between the Nigerian state and its responsibility to ensure the security of its citizens, a relationship that is deeply intertwined with, and exacerbates, existing gender inequalities. I argue that while the Nigerian constitution guarantees the security of its citizens, this guarantee is selectively applied, favoring the wealthy and powerful while leaving the majority, particularly women, vulnerable to various forms of violence and insecurity. This selective application of security provisions, the sources argue, is a manifestation of structural violence, a system of inequality that produces and perpetuates avoidable harm and suffering.

Part 3 of what I said in my chapter, "Sex, Gender, and Politics: Issues in Nigeria’s Governance Culture," Chapter 6 in Gender and Governance in Nigeria.... Oluwafunmilayo Para-Mallam and Mojubaolu Olufunke Okome eds. Published by National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies, NIPSS Kuru Press, 2023 What are the eight principles of good governance as identified by the United Nations? The UN's Eight Principles of Good Governance are enumerated in this section. The big question is whether these principles are evident in Nigerian politics.

Part 2 of what I said in my Chapter. "Sex, Gender, and Politics: Issues in Nigeria’s Governance Culture" How do I define structural violence, and how does it relate to gender and governance in Nigeria? Defining Structural Violence and its Relationship to Gender and Governance in Nigeria I define structural violence as any avoidable harm or insult to basic human needs and the well-being of sentient life, encompassing physical, mental, and spiritual aspects. This harm results in the lowering of an individual's real level of needs satisfaction below its potential. I further explain that structural violence: Can manifest in various forms, including threats that create fear, distorted cognitions and emotions, and hopelessness, which are enumerated in this section. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gqSOWbFxJV4

Here's Part 1 of what I said in Chapter 6 of Gender and Development in Nigeria: Concepts, Issues and Strategies, edited by Funmi Para-Mallam and Mojubaolu Okome published by Nipss Kuru Press in 2023. This section is: An Examination of the Structural Violence Faced by Women in Nigeria This is an in-depth analysis of structural violence against women in Nigeria. Structural violence, in this context, refers to the systemic and institutionalized practices, norms, and power imbalances that perpetuate gender inequality and hinder women's full participation in various aspects of society. This summary highlights the various ways this manifests and how deeply embedded it is in Nigerian society. You are invited to the book talk today, October 23, 2024. Here's Part 1 of what I said in Chapter 6 of Gender and Development in Nigeria: Concepts, Issues and Strategies, edited by Funmi Para-Mallam and Mojubaolu Okome published by Nipss Kuru Press in 2023. This section is: An Examination of ...

Join me in exploring the 3rd part of the reading. This is a focus on the dynamics of Nigeria's politicaleconomy in the 1980s and 1990s through the lens of my first book, a product of my PhD research. Titled "A Sapped Democracy." This is a study of the Political Economy of the Structural Adjustment Program and the Democratic Transition in Nigeria. Unpacking the interplay between liberal economic reforms and political changes, this study sheds light on Nigeria's dual transition period. It interrogates the complex interactions between the roles of the state, multilateral organizations, and domestic politics, and their influence in shaping policy decisions and the complex relationship between economic and political processes during the transition. Through a focus on the involvement of multilaterals, external creditors, and powerful domestic actors, this research unveils the intricate power struggles that characterized Nigeria's development strategy. By examining the i...

Part 2 of A SAPPED DEMOCRACY: The Political Economy of the SAP & the Political Transition in Nigeria, 1983-1993. Questions and Argument presented. Watch this space for more readings of the book. #Nigeria #DualTransition 

My Epilogue to the Book, Gender Responsive Budgeting in Practice: Lessons from Nigeria & Selected Developing Countries, edited by Bola Akanji and Funmi Soetan, Published by Lexington Books, 2022. The epilogue begins: "The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) have gender equality as Goal Number Five: “Achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls.” But gender parity still remains an aspiration in much of the globe especially in developing countries. The COVID-19 pandemic has made the challenge even more formidable (World Economic Forum, 2021; UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs, 2021). According to the World Economic Forum (WEF), “As the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic continues to be felt, closing the global gender gap has increased by a generation from 99.5 years to 135.6 years.” Both the WEF and SDGs exemplify how the global concern for gender equality and women’s empowerment have become recognized as key elements of sustainable development. The benchmarks...

The Chibok Girls: Structural Violence, Gender, and Education in Nigeria’s Northeast. Chapter by Mojúbàolú Olufúnké Okome in The Stolen Daughters of Chibok, edited by Dr. Aisha Muhammed Oyebode. Photographs by Akintunde Akinleye. Published by Powerhouse Books in 2023. Excerpt from the INTRODUCTION to the longer piece: In this chapter, I argue that the best explanation for the plight of the poor in Nigeria is the pervasiveness and depth of structural violence, which denies them of human security (Galtung, 1969). Although structural violence is pervasive in Nigeria, there are gendered, religious, class and regional variations that cause more or less marginalization. Girls born into poor families are affected to a greater degree because they are already marginalized by the combined consequences of the prevalence of extreme poverty and the gender-based discrimination that causes bias against girls’ education and toward more responsibility for housework and caregiving, as well as early marri...

I engaged in #SomberTuesday , a long-term advocacy for #EndSARS youth protesters that enabled me to contribute a chapter to the book: Institutions and Popular Will in Africa’s Search for Democracy, Development and Peace: Essays in Honour of Professor Oyeleye Oyediran, edited by Babafemi Badejo, Adigun Agbaje and Cyril Obi, published by Bookbuilders Edition, 2023. This is a reading of the introduction to my Chapter: "Contextualizing Democracy, Nigerian Youth Protest and Activism." The book should be available for purchase online soon.

I'm excited that I now have the physical copy of a book that I co-edited with Prof. Funmi Para-Mallam​, which was published in November last year. Here's the preface. You'll find an excerpt from the concept note that gives you an idea of what the book is about at the link. 

About that interesting Nigerien Coup panel discussion at the 66th Annual Meeting of the African Studies Association in San Francisco. Three of the panelists did not make it. The fourth panelist chose to speak from the audience. I was supposed to be the discussant, but given no panelist I gave an earlier paper that was written immediately after the coup and given as part of a panel discussion at NIPSS. Thanks to the Lagos Studies Association (LSA)​ for both sponsoring the panel discussion and recording it.

This is the conclusion of the paper: Domestic, Regional, and International Protection of NigerianWomen against Discrimination: Constraints and Possibilities. African Studies Quarterly, Volume 6, Issue 3, Fall 2002. Mojúbàolú Olúfúnké Okome The Introduction to the paper began thus: Discrimination against women is defined by Article 1 of the United Nations Convention onthe Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women of 1979 (heretofore referred to as the1979 Convention or CEDAW) as "any distinction, exclusion or restriction made on the basis ofsex which has the effect or purpose of impairing or nullifying the recognition, enjoyment orexercise by women, irrespective of their marital status, on a basis of equality of men andwomen, of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the political, economic, social, cultural,civil or any other field." By May 2001, 168 countries had ratified CEDAW. Forty-six of them areAfrican. Nigeria signed the convention on 23 April 1...

This is part 3 of the paper: Domestic, Regional, and International Protection of NigerianWomen against Discrimination: Constraints and Possibilities. African Studies Quarterly, Volume 6, Issue 3, Fall 2002. Mojúbàolú Olúfúnké Okome There are two sections here titled: "Discrimination Against Nigerian Women: A Contemporary Overview," and "Discrimination Against Women--International, Regional and Domestic Protections ." Look out for part 4, which concludes the paper. The previous section read was the Introduction, which began thus: Discrimination against women is defined by Article 1 of the United Nations Convention onthe Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women of 1979 (heretofore referred to as the1979 Convention or CEDAW) as "any distinction, exclusion or restriction made on the basis ofsex which has the effect or purpose of impairing or nullifying the recognition, enjoyment orexercise by women, irrespective of their marital status, on a basi...

This is part 2 of my paper: Domestic, Regional, and International Protection of NigerianWomen against Discrimination: Constraints and Possibilities. African Studies Quarterly, Volume 6, Issue 3, Fall 2002. The section is titled: "Structures of Inequality: Their creation and impact on the role of women in Contemporary Nigerian Society." Look out for part 3... The full paper is available at: https://shorturl.at/nqKX3 

Domestic, Regional, and International Protection of NigerianWomen against Discrimination: Constraints and Possibilities. African Studies Quarterly, Volume 6, Issue 3, Fall 2002. Mojúbàolú Olúfúnké Okome Introduction Discrimination against women is defined by Article 1 of the United Nations Convention onthe Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women of 1979 (heretofore referred to as the1979 Convention or CEDAW) as "any distinction, exclusion or restriction made on the basis ofsex which has the effect or purpose of impairing or nullifying the recognition, enjoyment orexercise by women, irrespective of their marital status, on a basis of equality of men andwomen, of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the political, economic, social, cultural,civil or any other field." By May 2001, 168 countries had ratified CEDAW. Forty-six of them areAfrican. Nigeria signed the convention on 23 April 1984 and ratified it without any reservationson 13 June 1985, and it rati...

This is the first four pages of this paper. The focus is on state-society relationship in a situation of flux, where there arefundamental questions regarding the nature of the state, and the type of state that will best serve acountry whose goal is economic and political development. It is also a situation where the state isstuck deep in the morass of economic and political crisis, creating even more urgency tofashioning answers to these questions. More to come.

The Howard Zinn Quote still resonates: “Civil disobedience, that’s not our problem. Our problem is that people are obedient all over the world in the face of poverty and starvation and stupidity, and war, and cruelty. Our problem is that people are obedient while the jails are full of petty thieves, and all the while, the grand thieves are running the country. That’s our problem.” Let the kleptocrats give back our stolen wealth so that we can fix our infrastructure, schools, hospitals, and also offer worthwhile social protection to our people. Let the masses enjoy the full benefits of citizenship in Nigeria. Let the leaders and political class repent and build peace with justice. This is no time for politics as usual.