Ojogbon Globalization

How does structural violence manifest in Nigeria's political landscape, and what are its consequences for women's political participation? Manifestations and Consequences of Structural Violence in Nigeria's Political Landscape I provide a rich and nuanced exploration of how structural violence manifests within Nigeria's political landscape and the profound consequences it has for women's political participation. I argue that structural violence, a system of embedded inequalities that produces avoidable harm, operates through various interconnected mechanisms to systematically disadvantage women, limiting their access to power, silencing their voices, and undermining their ability to shape political decisions that impact their lives.

How does the structural violence impact education in Nigeria? Examining the Impact of Structural Violence on Education in Nigeria I provide a compelling case for how the concept of structural violence illuminates the deeply entrenched inequalities that permeate the Nigerian education system. These inequalities, often rooted in historical legacies of colonialism and exacerbated by contemporary socio-economic and political structures, systematically disadvantage certain segments of the population, particularly girls and children from impoverished backgrounds, denying them access to quality education and perpetuating cycles of marginalization.

What are the specific examples of structural violence that affect Nigerian women in politics? Specific Examples of Structural Violence Affecting Nigerian Women in Politics I offer several specific examples that demonstrate how structural violence impedes the participation and representation of Nigerian women in the political sphere. These examples showcase how deeply entrenched inequalities and systemic biases create a hostile environment for women seeking to engage in politics, reinforcing their marginalization and undermining their capacity to exercise their political rights.

The chapter used the Ibrahim Index of Governance (IIAG) in its assessment of gender equality in Nigeria. The key indicators used by IIAG  for Assessing Gender Equality are discussed in this section. The Ibrahim Index of Governance in Africa (IIAG) employs a multi-dimensional approach to evaluate gender equality performance across the African continent. The index encompasses eight key categories, each with specific metrics designed to capture the multifaceted nature of gender equality.

How does structural violence contribute to gender inequality in Nigeria? The Deep Intertwining of Structural Violence and Gender Inequality in Nigeria I provide a comprehensive analysis of how structural violence in Nigeria, a system of embedded inequalities that produces avoidable harm and suffering, is deeply intertwined with the perpetuation of gender inequality. I demonstrate how this system operates across various dimensions of Nigerian society, creating and reinforcing disadvantages for women that limit their opportunities, agency, and representation, ultimately undermining their full participation in social, economic, and political spheres.

What is the relationship between the Nigerian state and citizens' security and how does this relationship affect gender relations? The Complex Relationship Between the Nigerian State, Citizen Security, and Gender I show a complex and troubling relationship between the Nigerian state and its responsibility to ensure the security of its citizens, a relationship that is deeply intertwined with, and exacerbates, existing gender inequalities. I argue that while the Nigerian constitution guarantees the security of its citizens, this guarantee is selectively applied, favoring the wealthy and powerful while leaving the majority, particularly women, vulnerable to various forms of violence and insecurity. This selective application of security provisions, the sources argue, is a manifestation of structural violence, a system of inequality that produces and perpetuates avoidable harm and suffering.

Join me in exploring the 3rd part of the reading. This is a focus on the dynamics of Nigeria's politicaleconomy in the 1980s and 1990s through the lens of my first book, a product of my PhD research. Titled "A Sapped Democracy." This is a study of the Political Economy of the Structural Adjustment Program and the Democratic Transition in Nigeria. Unpacking the interplay between liberal economic reforms and political changes, this study sheds light on Nigeria's dual transition period. It interrogates the complex interactions between the roles of the state, multilateral organizations, and domestic politics, and their influence in shaping policy decisions and the complex relationship between economic and political processes during the transition. Through a focus on the involvement of multilaterals, external creditors, and powerful domestic actors, this research unveils the intricate power struggles that characterized Nigeria's development strategy. By examining the i...

Part 2 of A SAPPED DEMOCRACY: The Political Economy of the SAP & the Political Transition in Nigeria, 1983-1993. Questions and Argument presented. Watch this space for more readings of the book. #Nigeria #DualTransition 

This is the conclusion of the paper: Domestic, Regional, and International Protection of NigerianWomen against Discrimination: Constraints and Possibilities. African Studies Quarterly, Volume 6, Issue 3, Fall 2002. Mojúbàolú Olúfúnké Okome The Introduction to the paper began thus: Discrimination against women is defined by Article 1 of the United Nations Convention onthe Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women of 1979 (heretofore referred to as the1979 Convention or CEDAW) as "any distinction, exclusion or restriction made on the basis ofsex which has the effect or purpose of impairing or nullifying the recognition, enjoyment orexercise by women, irrespective of their marital status, on a basis of equality of men andwomen, of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the political, economic, social, cultural,civil or any other field." By May 2001, 168 countries had ratified CEDAW. Forty-six of them areAfrican. Nigeria signed the convention on 23 April 1...

This is part 3 of the paper: Domestic, Regional, and International Protection of NigerianWomen against Discrimination: Constraints and Possibilities. African Studies Quarterly, Volume 6, Issue 3, Fall 2002. Mojúbàolú Olúfúnké Okome There are two sections here titled: "Discrimination Against Nigerian Women: A Contemporary Overview," and "Discrimination Against Women--International, Regional and Domestic Protections ." Look out for part 4, which concludes the paper. The previous section read was the Introduction, which began thus: Discrimination against women is defined by Article 1 of the United Nations Convention onthe Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women of 1979 (heretofore referred to as the1979 Convention or CEDAW) as "any distinction, exclusion or restriction made on the basis ofsex which has the effect or purpose of impairing or nullifying the recognition, enjoyment orexercise by women, irrespective of their marital status, on a basi...

Full title: Domestic, Regional and International Protection of Nigerian Women Against Discrimination: Constraints and Possibilities. The paper was published in African Studies Quarterly, Volume 6, Issue 3, Fall 2002. It's hosted on Academia.edu which asked me if I wanted an AI summary. I want to embrace technological innovation, so, I agreed. Here's how AI summarized, using excerpts from the paper.

Domestic, Regional, and International Protection of NigerianWomen against Discrimination: Constraints and Possibilities. African Studies Quarterly, Volume 6, Issue 3, Fall 2002. Mojúbàolú Olúfúnké Okome Introduction Discrimination against women is defined by Article 1 of the United Nations Convention onthe Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women of 1979 (heretofore referred to as the1979 Convention or CEDAW) as "any distinction, exclusion or restriction made on the basis ofsex which has the effect or purpose of impairing or nullifying the recognition, enjoyment orexercise by women, irrespective of their marital status, on a basis of equality of men andwomen, of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the political, economic, social, cultural,civil or any other field." By May 2001, 168 countries had ratified CEDAW. Forty-six of them areAfrican. Nigeria signed the convention on 23 April 1984 and ratified it without any reservationson 13 June 1985, and it rati...

This is the first four pages of this paper. The focus is on state-society relationship in a situation of flux, where there arefundamental questions regarding the nature of the state, and the type of state that will best serve acountry whose goal is economic and political development. It is also a situation where the state isstuck deep in the morass of economic and political crisis, creating even more urgency tofashioning answers to these questions. More to come.